From https://www.rpgpub.com/threads/mythic-polynesia-an-in-depth-analysis-of-liams-critiques.8517/

By Séadna (Legendary Member; Joined: Sep 3, 2018; Messages: 6,386)

Dec 12, 2022

Okay I'm only currently at Liam's tweet containing

He needs to read Linda Tuhiwai Smith's 'Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples'
I've gone further into his tweets at a moderate level of detail, but this is the one I'm on in terms of a deeper analysis because I'm only part way into Tuhiwai Smith's monograph, though I'm already familiar with the basics of the points she's making.

So far what I would say is that the book roughly speaking takes an average of non-Māori Polynesians in the 1200-1500AD period. I've seen this called the "classical period", but terms differ quite a bit.

So take Liam's tweet where he has disagrees with the following extract from Mythic Polynesia:
In Western terms, the Oceanian culture described herein was established around 1200 AD and remained virtually unchanged until first contact with European travellers in the early sixteenth century
saying that it's utterly incorrect to say the culture remained "virtually unchanged".

Here Liam is clearly correct with reference to New Zealand. Even most popular histories of the Maori will mention the large shift in the material cultural around the end of the 15th century. If confined to most other non-Maori Polynesian cultures the book would be correct to say "largely unchanged" or "with minor changes not important for a RPG".

This would be in the same sense that if writing a RPG book on the Old Kingdom in Egypt I would say the culture was "largely unchanged" for the purposes of running a game between the reign of Djoser and Pepi II, despite there being several minor developments like the Re cult becoming an increasing part of the state. This is because ~90% of daily life and how the society operated on most scales stayed the same.

I just choose this as an example where the game could claim to be more faithful if it was "Mythic North and Western Polynesia". Obviously this wouldn't be on the cover, but when the book's contents are wrong it's often because they exclude "except for New Zealand".

Another example occurs when he mentions the "Chief dialect", the special dialect of the language used when speaking deferentially to a chief. Again Liam is correct in that this is not really a feature of the Māori language, but it is a feature of the majority of other Polynesian languages. There are some variations, such as on Lifu where it's reserved for high-ranking men speaking to each other, but largely the book is right if you're not talking about New Zealand.

He also discusses this section:
Oceanians distinguish between coastal waters (tai) and Ocean itself, which they call moana. Ocean lies outside the fringing reef of an island, where swells are not broken by subsurface coral and the sea floor no longer moderates the currents and waves. Most Oceanians, even those who are competent sailors, are uncomfortable on Ocean; the currents, swell, and winds are all unfamiliar. There are no laws on Ocean save for those of wind and wave, and no chiefly authority to protect them from harm.
Again this could turn on "uncomfortable". In parts of Polynesia they did stop voyaging the ocean, in most places however they could still make journeys of 800km if needed, but open ocean voyage was not common. Again though in New Zealand they frequently journeyed the open ocean.

So false for New Zealand and for the rest it depends on what you take from uncomfortable.

Liam takes issue with the language section. In the book the spellings are given in supposedly Proto-Polynesian with regional spellings for local terms. I haven't had the time to check how accurate they are to the proto-language. I thought this was pretty cool and a fair way to approach the difficulty of dealing with a language family in an RPG supplement. Liam's issue is mainly with changing the orthography of the Maori "wh" to "f" in the book.

So strictly speaking the Māori sound is not "f". I checked this with Bauer's "Maori" 2003. It's a sound that English speakers hear as something between an "f" and "wh". I know this sound pretty well since it's in Irish, it's the reason Irish speakers sometimes are written as saying things like "Fat do you want?" when trying to speak English in 19th Century novels.

I can't really go into linguistic politics here, so you can decide for yourself on this. I myself do say to tourists "it's basically an f" when they ask about a placename or how to say their family's traditional Gaelic name. The issue here might be altering the spelling rather than just simply saying it is an "f". Then again though the book is mostly using Proto-Polynesian anyway. I'll leave it up to the reader.

I'm in the weeds of the gender material right now, so I'll stop there.


Dec 13, 2022 at 5:30 AM

Okay continuing the points here, it took me a while to learn enough to discuss what Liam says about this extract from the book:

In general, the Oceanian people are relatively tall with light brown skin. Hair colour is always dark and usually wavy to a greater or lesser extent. The western peoples have darker skins and hair tending towards frizzy in texture. Corpulency of the body is considered attractive in both men and women in many cultures, and high-status individuals may retire to islets for the purposes of fattening themselves by excessive eating and indolence. This, combined with pale skin from avoiding direct sunlight, can increase marriage prospects at all ages.
......
In cultures where pale skin is valued as a mark of beauty, both herbal skin-bleaching and seclusion from light are practised by women of the upper social strata

So that being overweight is a token of wealth and power continues in many parts of Polynesia to this day. See:
Mavoa H.M. and McCabe, M. (2008) Sociocultural factors relating to Tongans’ and Indigenous Fijians’ patterns of eating, physical activity and body size. Asia Pacific Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 17, 375-384

Its presence as part of beauty standards in Tonga, Fiji, Wallis and Nauru is discussed in the following papers (small example, less directly in final one):
Curtis, M. (2004). The obesity epidemic in the Pacific Islands. Journal of Development and Social Transformation, 1, 37-42
Ulijaszek, S. (2007). Obesity: A disorder of convenience. Obesity Reviews, 8(s1), 183-187.
Ulijaszek, S. J. (2003). Obesity in Pacific Island nations. Human Ecology Special Issue, 13, 23-28.

"Retiring" to gain weight among the nobility is fairly common, the most studied case being the Eastern Polynesian ritual of "ha'apori" meant to fatten the upper classes for marriage or status
From "Food habits and physical representations in French Polynesia" by Dr. Christophe Serra Mallol:
The Tahitian practice of ha'apori (fattening) was found in a part of East Pacific islands (Puka Puka, Mangaia, Mangareva, Rurutu, Rapa Nui...). The
persons subjected to the ha'apori were locked in the shade into special houses, and fed abundantly with a preparation made of mixture of fruits and ‘uru, fruit of the breadfruit tree. It was mostly a practice for young people and some women. Once got fat they were presented in public to their chief so that he would appreciate the curve of their bodies

Dr. Nancy Pollock has a good bit more to say in "Cultural elaborations of obesity - fattening practices in Pacific societies":
Fattening rituals in Pacific societies are examined within a discussion of the cultural aspects of obesity as a disease of modernisation. Those rituals contributed to a strong aesthetic value of large body size and light skin, while also incorporating the symbolic value of food. They may have enhanced survival value of a genetic potential in the face of irregular diet. Today with a more regular diet available only the negative aspects of large body size prevail.
......
Selected men and women, usually young, and from high ranking families, underwent a purposeful fattening process. They were set aside in a special place to be fed by relatives and undertake little activity "in order to grow fat and lusty and high spirited"14. Prodigious amounts of breadfruit, both fresh and fermented, together with bananas and other fruits crushed and mixed in water so that they became almost liquid were fed daily. The breadfruit itself was considered to lighten skin colour15 but in addition they were covered in large amounts of tapa barkcloth, which when removed before the nobility of the community revealed just how much lighter the skin had become. The length of time any group stayed in seclusion depended in part on the supply of breadfruit.

The main purposes of the ritual were ‘to enhance their sexual attractiveness"13 and "to grow fat and lusty and high spirited"14. But it is hard to know whether these were the values of the beholder or those of Tahitians themselves. Those who emerged from the ritual were seen to have enhanced beauty, not only in terms of their body size, but also of their lightened skin colour.

Thus these ha’apori rituals combined two aesthetic values, an enlarged body, covered with a lightened skin
She does note in the paper that these rituals are much rarer today.

So the book is correct when it says:
Corpulency of the body is considered attractive in both men and women in many cultures, and high-status individuals may retire to islets for the purposes of fattening themselves by excessive eating and indolence. This, combined with pale skin from avoiding direct sunlight, can increase marriage prospects at all ages
......
In cultures where pale skin is valued as a mark of beauty, both herbal skin-bleaching and seclusion from light are practised by women of the upper social strata
Many of the Polynesian cultures did do this.

The practice seems to have been dominant in Tahiti and other parts of French Polynesia. For this reason, most of the best papers on it are in French. A reasonably good intro is "Engraissement rituel" by Dr. Christophe Serra-Mallol where he says:
La pratique du ha’apori (littéralement « engraissement ») a été relevée par les premiers Européens en contact dans une bonne partie du Pacifique insulaire est : îles Manihiki-Rakahanga, Mangaia, Mangareva, Nauru, île de Pâques, Rurutu, Cook, et dans l’archipel de la Société. Elle aurait été inconnue à Tonga, en Nouvelle Zélande, aux Marquises et à Hawaii
Roughly speaking this was a custom amongst Eastern Polynesians, excluding Tonga, New Zealand, Marquesas and Hawaii.

Liam does say throughout "Is this an island thing?"

So I would say the book is accurate, but you might have wanted it to be more specific and clarify the use of "many".


Dec 13, 2022 at 8:32 AM

TristramEvans said: OK. To what extent do you believe that accounts for Liam's criticisms? Because the issues (as read it) don't seem to simply be "general statements were make about Polynesia that simply don't apply to the Maori".
Yeah, just to be clear I haven't reached those parts yet in my posts here. In most cases Liam's tweets I've covered so far do have him say something like "this was strange/unknown to me, is this an islands thing?"
The only issue not of this type I've hit yet were his ones about the f/wh sound.


TristramEvans

Dec 13, 2022 at 8:39 AM

Séadna said: The only issue not of this type I've hit yet were his ones about the f/wh sound.

Yeah, I thought that was a bit....nitpicky on his part. Even as someone with an amateur interest in linguistics.


Sharrow

Dec 13, 2022 at 9:48 AM

As a New Zealander, albeit a Pākehā (i.e. someone of non-Māori descent), I can say that it's a bit of a touchy subject from time to time, not helped by variances in regional pronunciation. For a fair bit of the country the author would have been less wrong if he'd said "The 'wh' sound can be assumed to simply be a 'w'". Today it tends to be taken to be a softish 'f', but that is not what I was taught in my early school years (by a Māori teacher, for what that's worth), and certainly not what my mother was taught.

We were taught that the 'wh' sound is that of a 'correctly' pronounced 'when' or 'which' or 'where' (though in NZ today those are usually pronounced with a straight 'w' sound).

On top of that, for many decades there was a tendency of non-Māori to utterly mange local placenames, and aside from placenames there was a concerted attempt by the NZ government after WWII through to about the 1970s to turn Māori into a non-living language by assimilation of the Māori people into a thoroughly Pākehā culture.

So, yeah, a bit of a sensitive spot for some people.

As for the Moriori, their enslavement and genocide occurred in the mid-late 1800s, and is thus part of the upheaval post-contact with Europeans, during the 'musket wars'. I don't think it has any place in a 'mythic polynesia' at all, and that is does suggests that the author is using the old narrative (a European one) that the Moriori were the original inhabitants of New Zealand proper and were driven out (and mostly killed and eaten) by the Māori when they arrived.


Séadna

Dec 13, 2022 at 10:10 AM

This is a bit of a technical aside for people not interested in linguistics.

Sharrow said: As a New Zealander, albeit a Pākehā (i.e. someone of non-Māori descent), I can say that it's a bit of a touchy subject from time to time, not helped by variances in regional pronunciation. For a fair bit of the country the author would have been less wrong if he'd said "The 'wh' sound can be assumed to simply be a 'w'". Today it tends to be taken to be a softish 'f', but that is not what I was taught in my early school years (by a Māori teacher, for what that's worth), and certainly not what my mother was taught.

We were taught that the 'wh' sound is that of a 'correctly' pronounced 'when' or 'which' or 'where' (though in NZ today those are usually pronounced with a straight 'w' sound).
The Maori sound denoted by "wh" is given as /ɸ/ in the IPA. This is essentially an "f" but made through friction between both lips rather than friction between upper teeth and lower lip.
Under influence from New Zealand English it began to shift from /ɸ/ to either the English "f" or a sound like English "wh" or even "h".

Statistics for a speaker in the 1940s are given in Harlow, Ray Māori, A Linguistic Introduction: (2006).
/ɸ/ 50% (pre-contact historical sound)
/ʍ/ 18% (like English "wh")
/f/ 13% (English "f")
/h/ 20% (English "h")

I've seen from later reviews that shifts into English sounds have become more and more common over time as bilingualism has become universal.

The Mythic Polynesia book is basically conveying the traditional /ɸ/ sound as "f" because:
(a) That's what it sounds closest to for English speakers
(b) It evolved from Proto-Polynesian "f", i.e. in the Proto-Polynesian the book uses elsewhere the sound was exactly English "f". So a Maori word that has "wh" today had an "f" in Proto-Polynesian.

Séadna

Dec 13, 2022 at 4:58 PM

Okay the gender section and this is one of the paragraphs discussed:

Life in an Oceanian society is strictly divided into male and female roles by the threat of Tapu (supernatural afflictions). Sexual Tapus do not imply value differences between the sexes - men are different to women, but in no way considered superior. These roles are ordained by the great atua: men are permitted to enter the sea and the forests by their tutelary gods (Tangaroa and Tane respectively, see page 89) - they are the fishermen, loggers, canoe builders; whereas women are under the protection of Haumia (god of wild forage); they can gather wild food and produce such as pandanus leaves and mulberry bark and use these raw materials to weave mats and make barkcloth respectively. Only Rongo (god of agriculture) allows men and women to labour side by side. The food for the men must be cooked by men and eaten apart from the other sex, and vice versa. During mealtimes, the sexes remain segregated for their own protection.
If a man interferes with the work of women, then he risks polluting that work with his Mana, which causes any women who come into contact with it to sicken. A woman's Mana is better controlled than a man's and cannot accidently infect a man's food or work, but she can remove the Mana inherent in it, siphoning away the maker's magical strength. For more about Mana and Tapu, see page 42 onwards.
No work or eating is done in the marital home to avoid Tapu. Once weaned, children are raised by both parents equally until they reach an age where Tapu starts to exert itself
The contention is that "this was largely untrue for Māori....<probably>untrue in places where he thinks it is, due to the way colonisation and its misogyny shapes the stories of our customs". The underlined text in bold is referenced below.

So the whole system of Tapu/Kapu/etc is pretty complicated. I'm just going to use the Proto-Polynesian word Tapu.

From the thesis "Gender, status and shellfish in precontact Hawaii" by R.H. Connors we get this concise definition:
Pre-contact Hawaiians lived their lives according to a strictly enforced system of responsibility and duty, regulation, restriction, and resource management called kapu, or tapu from which we get the word taboo
It would take a book to really explain this, but basically take it as a way of ordering society that is in accord with the supernatural world, pragmatic conditions and tradition.
A related concept is Noa, things free from this order and also rituals that correct or cleanse those who have broken the order.

So what is the way colonalisation was held to affect views of tapu? Fourfold from what I have read:
  1. Seeing the division between men and women as superior/inferior. The book explicitly avoids this, so I won't say anything more on it.

  2. Viewing women as "polluting" men's work by breaking tapu. This is fairly common in older academic works. Recent scholarship does go strongly against this. For instance Hanson, F. Allen and Louise Hanson Counterpoint in Maori Culture (1983) talks about how older academic work saying a women walking over a fishing rod "polluted" it was wrong and rather she just robbed it of its power to catch fish. Mythic Polynesia lines up with recent scholarship here as per the underlined sentence in bold above.

  3. Not including women's role in Nao ceremonies, i.e. that women had the sacred power to cleanse breaks in tapu. Mythic Polynesia has this on p.46, so no foul there I think.

  4. Getting the logical order of tapu and gender backward. That is that rather than men and women being seperated by tapu, instead the rules of tapu dictated various conditions for who was appropriate for what role and then as a consequence of how men and women typically differ biologically this was effectively a gender division though not a priori so. Some papers on this are:
    TAPU AND NOA AS NEGOTIATORS OF MĀORI GENDER ROLES IN PRECOLONIAL AOTEAROA AND TODAY,
    Mitchell and Olsen-Reeder
    Theorising karanga to make sense of our reality, Mikaere, Ani, INNZNA

    I choose these because they are gateways to the literature on this.

    A common example is how a chief had to be commanding/strong voiced/etc. Often only a man was felt to meet these conditions, but sometimes a woman could. So the tapu system was not based on gender.

    Note in the papers above this is only advanced in tentative language and in some of the literature it's more proposed as a development of the system, sort of like how a Catholic might write about "Catholicism today". This is at quite a theoretical level and still actively discussed within Polynesian scholarship with native scholars disagreeing. There's nothing on it in Mythic Polynesia.

Beyond this you could ask how specific the given examples are. Native historians agree that men and women ate separately as part of Kapu in Hawaii in pre-contact times. See "The Kingdom and the Republic: Sovereign Hawaiʻi and the Early United States" by Noelani Arista.

So how universal was this kind of gender division across Polynesia?

It seems fairly universal. The following paper discusses traditional attitudes being the reason women are less prominent in leadership roles:
Norris,P. and Inglehart, R. (2004). 'Cultural Barriers to Women's Leadership, International Political Science Association World Congress 2000, Quebec City. pp.1 - 30

The book "Women, development and empowerment: A pacific feminist perspective. Kuala Lumpur: Asian and Pacific Development Centre" by Griffin, V. (1989) contains a few examples of women directly speaking about this. Consider these two examples from Fiji and Tonga:
The one thing that has pushed me to challenge the situation about women in Fiji is because of how I am treated in my family. I resent the fact that when I eat I sit at the bottom; I resent that very much and I resent the fact that the women eat second in the villages.
What I resent in Tonga is that a man can fool around and a woman cannot. A man can wander around at night and woman cannot do that. But I do not resent being placed second as far as eating is concerned.
I choose this because Fiji and Tonga are on the other end of the Polynesian spectrum from Hawaii.

So Mythic Polynesia seems pretty accurate to say men and women are segregated when they eat. In Hawaii they are literally separated. In Fiji and Tonga they sit away from the men (although at the same "table") and are served second.

The book "The Rahui" edited by Tamatoa Bambridge contains a section dealing with the topic in Marquesas. The chapter includes native authors and gives the following sample in its third section:
  1. Formerly forbidden for women to eat together with men of bonito, squid, popii, and koehi.
  2. Women might not go in a canoe.
  3. Women might not climb on top of the platform of any sacred enclosure.
  4. Women might not eat bananas, fresh breadfruit, or coco-nuts.
  5. Many sorts of fish were also tapu to women, also pigs of a brown colour, goats and fowls.
  6. The kuavena fish was tapu to the fishermen, also the peata, a sort of shark.
  7. Children might not carry one another pick-a-back.
The authors go on to say:
Anything to do with food preparation was strictly organised: categories and genders were separated, there were specific ways of eating food, specific places where food could be prepared, and what different individuals could eat was determined — for example, women could eat only the fish or shellfish that they caught on the seashore

Tahiti had similar rules. See Oliver's "Ancient Tahitian Society":
There is no question that men and women ate separately

The December 2016 issue of the JPS (Journal of Polynesian Society) has similar remarks on the Cook islands.

What about the Māori?
So the issue is that it's contentious and political how gender segregated Maori society was traditionally. It seems to have had, from a certain perspective, the least exact implementation of tapu. An introduction to this is:
Maori Women and the Politics of Tradition: What Roles and Power Did, Do, and Should Maori Women Exercise? by Caroline Ralston (1993)
Unfortunately I can't go into more because it becomes political. Native Māori leaders cite tradition as the reason women can't lead, with others saying that view only solidified under European influence and it becomes more complex than I as a foreigner can follow.

My impression is that the Māori seem to not have had eating segregation and that male-only roles had evolved into male-preferred roles.

So once again I would say pretty accurate on Mythic Polynesia's part, clear evidence of following recent academic research*, but with the Maori as an exception not covered.

*See the Noa rituals.


Séadna

Dec 13, 2022 at 7:13 PM

Continuing from here.

Okay so the remainder of Liam's tweets mostly fall into three categories:

  1. Issues with the description of the Moriori and Māori relations.
  2. Descriptions of the culture seen as condescending.
  3. Cultural concepts being explained in an overly "Western" individualistic way.
The third one is the most complex so I'll leave it until tomorrow. The first two aren't that hard to deal with.

Moriori:

So regarding the Moriori the books says:
Generations passed before Kupe's lore was used in earnest. Fleeing famine and war, a series of migration canoes left Havaiki, and several of them made it to
Aotearoa. A people called the Moriori were discovered inhabiting the land; a sparse and peaceful people who welcomed the settlers with open arms. The warlike Havaikians met the kindness with violence, driving the Moriori from their land and forcing them into a marginal existence either on the southern island or further east on Rekohu
For those reading Havaiki and other linguistic versions of it refer to the mythical homeland of all Polynesians.

The history is Austronesians, the super-linguistic group Polynesians are a part of, spread from Taiwan in various directions. One group landed in the region around Samoa, stopping there for several hundred years, before spreading out again. It's while stopped around Samoa that Proto-Polynesian culture developed, thus Havaiki is often thought to be some folk memory of the Samoan region. The hero Māui is thought by some to be some kind of navigator or chief (or a combination of several) who was historically important in the early phase of migration out of the Samoan region. I won't go into all the evidence for this (e.g. Tonga and Samoan versions of the myths seem to be missing stories that can be dated as "late").

So the book is flat out wrong here. The Moriori are not some natives of New Zealand the proto-Māori found when they arrived. They descend from a group of Māori who left mainland New Zealand in the early 16th century. Even using linguistics alone you can tell that their languages diverged very recently and their own oral culture states this.

There was an old 19th century theory that the Moriori were Melanesians (a non-Polynesian branch of the Austronesians) who had inhabited New Zealand prior to the Māori. The origin of this is that it was spun up by linguists and historians in the 19th Century to fit incorrect models of how Austronesian languages developed with phrenology playing a strong role.

This is all covered in "the" book on the Moriori: "Moriori : Origins, Lifestyles and Language" by Rhys Richards.

I'm really surprised this is here, as yes it has been a political hotcake in New Zealand and a quick google search will turn up that it's a commonly refuted myth. Given what seems to me to be a level of research on par with Mythic Constantinople elsewhere (not at Mythic Babylon level), this is really odd.

Condescending descriptions of culture:

So an example is here:
The Polynesian canoe or waka is a masterpiece of maritime engineering for a culture without metal tools, screws or pegs, mortices, pitch, or non-water-soluble adhesives. The very simplest vessel is a float such as a surfing board. However, even these are not just planks of wood,but are carefully shaped according to ancient ratios.

The reason I'll make this short is because you can judge for yourself if you find things like this condescending. It's pretty common terminology in historical books as a way to compliment (genuinely, not in a backhanded way) ancient cultures, for example:
"For a society without the modern telescope, the Ancient Babylonians has an incredible understanding of astronomy distilled from centuries of careful observation..."
"For a group living prior to modern phonological theory and measuring equipment the Irish bards showed a strong understanding of allophonics, morphology..."

I include the last one to say I wouldn't blink if I saw this used to describe Irish stuff. I've seen an exact analogue with descriptions of the Currach boats.

The possible exception is the description of Polynesia as a "Stone Age" culture:
The people of Mythic Polynesia are a stone-age civilisation. Their ancestors had no knowledge of ore smelting and metalwork upon leaving Havaiki (see page 89), and it is a skill they never developed. They do not have any knowledge of ceramics, nor have they discovered the tanning process to make leather from pigskin or dogskin. They never discovered how to weave cloth from plant fibres or (lacking wool-bearing livestock) from animal hair. Nevertheless, they have a highly developed material culture and are a technologically developed people despite these limitations.
Academically it is generally considered pointless to describe cultures in a Stone->Bronze->Iron progression today because it's tied pretty strongly to the development of Europe. Like a Han Chinese scholar describing France as "pre-gunpowder and paper money" or something in the Middle Ages. You'll find it hard to find in any academic article on Polynesia.
I'd more view it as popular/loose word a little out of place with the tone of the rest of the book. I think this sometimes comes down to how these things are phrased. Say a source book on 18th century Ireland said:
"Ireland was largely illiterate and rural...."
would be scrutinised more than
"Reading is an uncommon skill.....<later>....most live in rural settlements..."


Sharrow

Dec 14, 2022 at 12:27 AM

Séadna said: What about the Maori?
So the issue is that it's contentious and political how gender segregated Maori society was traditionally. It seems to have had, from a certain perspective, the least exact implementation of tapu. An introduction to this is:
Maori Women and the Politics of Tradition: What Roles and Power Did, Do, and Should Maori Women Exercise? by Caroline Ralston (1993)
Unfortunately I can't go into more because it becomes political. Native Maori leaders cite tradition as the reason women can't lead, with others saying that view only solidified under European influence and it becomes more complex than I as a foreigner can follow.

My impression is that the Maori seem to not have had eating segregation and that male-only roles had evolved into male-preferred roles.

So once again I would say pretty accurate on Mythic Polynesia's part, clear evidence of following recent academic research*, but with the Maori as an exception not covered.

*See the Noa rituals.
To confuse matters, this may have varied depending on the Iwi ('tribe', roughly), with some still not allowing women to speak at certain types of meeting whilst others do so. It's also not entirely clear whether this change in the case of some Iwi (or individual Marae for that matter) is recent or not (in same cases it very definitely is a recent change).


Séadna

Dec 15, 2022 at 7:01 AM

Following here.

Okay so the rest of the Tweets deal with the book's exposition of cultural, legal and worldview concepts and how there misunderstood or treated in an overly "Western" individualistic way.

A lot of these revolve around the concepts of Mana, Rahui, Nao, Tapu, how the family structure is viewed through these concepts etc.

I'll take Rahui and Utu as examples of what Liam discusses, but I need to describe the concepts at a base level first. I'll give quick descriptions.

  1. Mana is a supernatural force that allows things to perform the actions expected of them. It lets a chief lead, a fishing rod catch fish, a volcano erupt, etc. Something robbed of Mana will "not work". It should be noted that its not just objects or people that have Mana, even a village or nation can have its own mana that permits it to function well.
    It's quite similar to the Ancient Egyptian notion of Ka.

  2. Tapu as mentioned above is basically a framework defining who can do what jobs, how they do it and to what degree and what resources can be used when and in what amounts. Violating it can cause the wrong "kind" of Mana to flow from one thing into another. So a man's mana infecting a woman's work. The consequences of this include causing illness or corruption or just removing Mana. An example of the latter being a woman walking over a fishing rod will dampen its power to catch fish.
    However some rules within this framework simply relate preventing food, wood, etc from being used incorrectly in a practical sense. Such as setting aside certain amounts of food for times of hardship and so on.
    So its a mix of religious ideas and pragmatics from our perspective. However within the cultures themselves at the time it was closer to just being proper resource management, as Mana was simply another thing to be managed.

  3. Rahui is "temporal" Tapu. Temporal both in the sense being declared by somebody currently in authority and meant to function for a specific period of time rather than being more universal and also in the sense of relating specifically to resources and territory.

  4. Noa are places, people or events that are free from Tapu, i.e. either they are exceptions to the rules or they can correct breaches in the rules. An example is a woman's vagina is Noa in many Polynesian societies and by washing her vagina up river from a man who violated Tapu she can cleanse him. There are also specific Noa ceremonies where typical rules about eating can be set aside.

  5. Finally there is Utu, a specifically Māori idea. It's a part of the Tapu framework relating to reciprocal action. So getting revenge for a wrongdoing or paying off debts.
Excluding the 5th one the following book discusses these ideas in depth and is quite well written:
Bambridge, T., 2016. The Rahui: Legal Pluralism in Polynesian Traditional Management of Resources and Territories. Anu Press

So I'll make two general points.

First of all the game necessarily alters these concepts simply by mechanising them. In real life they obviously wouldn't have had scores and points, but would have been an implicitly understood social framework you learned by osmosis from childhood. I think this is a trivial point everybody understands. It's no different from ranking sins in games taking ideas from Christianity or for example how the recent Tunnels and Trolls Mythic Ireland supplement mechanises the Gaelic idea of "Clú", or Honour in Pendragon and so forth.

Secondly the Māori versions of these concepts are more highly developed than they are in the other Polynesian cultures. Good intros are:
Maori Philosophy: Indigenous Thinking from Aotearoa. Georgina Tuari Stewart. London, UK: Bloomsbury, 2021.
Exploring Maori Values. John Patterson. Dunmore Press, 1992

Liam is right that the book is both missing specific Māori concepts such as Utu, as well as not fully describing the complexities of these concepts found in Māori thought. Utu is a major aspect of Māori society and this omission alone is enough to prevent accurately running a Māori game.

Again I think this reflects the books general tendency of missing Māori subtleties and more presenting the major features of non-Māori Polynesians.

For the non-Māori cultures I think the book does a good job of explaining the ideas and implementing them mechanically. It matches up quite well with what you'd see in Bambridge.

Two aspects you could quibble:

It explains Rahui solely in terms of how it is marked. So it talks about it in terms of specific markers or devices used by chiefs and those in power to make a ruling about some resource or territory, it doesn't really explain it conceptually as an aspect of Tapu. I don't think this is really a major error myself, since it is mechanically implemented as a form of Tapu. I think this comes down to how game books are written where concepts are conveyed both through text and mechanics and I think considered as an RPG as a whole it correctly presents Rahui.

Liam points out how the book has an individualist perspective, i.e. it talks about how individual people have Mana scores and doesn't take into account the communal aspects of the Polynesian worldview. So in the book it isn't just individuals who have Mana, but plants, objects, places, animals, etc. I also wouldn't say the book totally ignores the communal aspect. On p.20 it discusses how an individual's Mana might clash with that of the rest of the tribe and a huge amount of the text discusses the communal aspect of living. It just doesn't mechanise the communal Mana explicitly, but rather acting against the community has knock on effects on Tapu and Mana that are emergent effects from the rules as a whole.

I'll post a short summary of my thoughts in the next post.


Séadna

Dec 15, 2022 at 7:09 AM

Here's my basic summary:

If the English language had a snappy word for "Polynesian but not Māori" and this book was called "Mythic <that word>" this would be a well-researched book that could stand alongside Mythic Constantinople and does a good job of explaining and giving mechanics to Polynesian society and cultural concepts.

This book would be nowhere near as good at running a Māori game. You'd be playing "Samoans in New Zealand" and the sections about the Moriori are a major misstep.

Due to how much they differ from other Polynesian socieities the Māori would really need to be in a separate supplement. Kind of like "Lands of the Saxons" for Mythic Britain.


Zebraman

Dec 15, 2022 at 7:10 AM

Out of interest is your sense that the differences between wider Polynesian culture and Maori as presented is a function of compressing a variety of subtleties and cultures into a single RPG volume (and through the filter of a fantastical version of that region)...

OR a more fundamental lack of understanding/research?

(I know that is a very difficult question to answer because it speaks to what a third party and a design team was thinking).


Séadna, Dec 15, 2022 at 7:12 AM

Zebraman said: Out of interest is your sense that the differences between wider Polynesian culture and Maori as presented is a function of compressing a variety of subtleties and cultures into a single RPG volume (and through the filter of a fantastical version of that region)...

OR a more fundamental lack of understanding/research?

(I know that is a very difficult question to answer because it speaks to what a third party and a design team was thinking).
I would guess the Māori weren't researched in depth, i.e. it's not just from trying to cover all the cultures. However I want to counterbalance that with the fact that I think the non-Māori were clearly researched quite well.

Let me make that more explicit with two examples.

The Moriori error is so obvious and no modern book will say anything remotely like it. You couldn't read modern Maori histories and make this error.

Secondly Utu is such a basic "engine" that drives Māori culture that its absence flat out means you can't run a Māori game with this book and indicates that no real reading about Māori society specifically was done.


CRKrueger

Dec 15, 2022 at 8:32 AM

Séadna said: I would guess the Māori weren't researched in depth, i.e. it's not just from trying to cover all the cultures. However I want to counterbalance that with the fact that I think the non-Māori were clearly researched quite well.

Let me make that more explicit with two examples.

The Moriori error is so obvious and no modern book will say anything remotely like it. You couldn't read modern Maori histories and make this error.

Secondly Utu is such a basic "engine" that drives Māori culture that its absence flat out means you can't run a Māori game with this book and indicates that no real reading about Māori society specifically was done.
So, if they simply excised anything having to do with the Māori from the book, it would be well-researched and presented?


?? : Dec 15, 2022 at 9:45 AM

Séadna said: I would guess the Māori weren't researched in depth, i.e. it's not just from trying to cover all the cultures. However I want to counterbalance that with the fact that I think the non-Māori were clearly researched quite well.

Let me make that more explicit with two examples.

The Moriori error is so obvious and no modern book will say anything remotely like it. You couldn't read modern Maori histories and make this error.

Secondly Utu is such a basic "engine" that drives Māori culture that its absence flat out means you can't run a Māori game with this book and indicates that no real reading about Māori society specifically was done.
Leaving aside the Moriori error which is a different thing; is there an inference that can be made that if Mana and other cosmological concepts had an objective influence on the material world as they do in the world of Mythic Polynesia that the Māori wouldn't have developed the same belief system in those concepts as they do in the real world? (I.e those beliefs would necessarily be more if not entirely homogeneous across Polynesia).

Again appreciate that's a somewhat difficult question to answer. But it is getting at the point that at a certain point the world building has to move beyond the initial inspiration to be internally consistent.


Raleel : Dec 15, 2022 at 10:19 AM

Séadna said: I would guess the Māori weren't researched in depth, i.e. it's not just from trying to cover all the cultures. However I want to counterbalance that with the fact that I think the non-Māori were clearly researched quite well.

Let me make that more explicit with two examples.

The Moriori error is so obvious and no modern book will say anything remotely like it. You couldn't read modern Maori histories and make this error.

Secondly Utu is such a basic "engine" that drives Māori culture that its absence flat out means you can't run a Māori game with this book and indicates that no real reading about Māori society specifically was done.
Thank you for your extensive work on this.

Not being overly familiar with the field or the topics, how much research has been done on the Maori vs the other cultures, and particularly recent work? My instinct is saying that the Maori have a lot of research, as do the natives of the Hawaiian islands, because they have large governments who could fund said research, with Samoa coming in behind those two, while the rest are much less researched/represented in the literature.


Séadna : Dec 15, 2022 at 10:46 AM

Raleel said: Thank you for your extensive work on this.

Not being overly familiar with the field or the topics, how much research has been done on the Maori vs the other cultures, and particularly recent work? My instinct is saying that the Maori have a lot of research, as do the natives of the Hawaiian islands, because they have large governments who could fund said research, with Samoa coming in behind those two, while the rest are much less researched/represented in the literature.
Your instinct is correct basically. However what is there for the other islands is on average of very high quality, because the authors are a mix of native academics and world class foreign academics working directly with primary or oral sources.


Séadna : Dec 15, 2022

Zebraman said: is there an inference that can be made that if Mana and other cosmological concepts had an objective influence on the material world as they do in the world of Mythic Polynesia that the Māori wouldn't have developed the same belief system in those concepts as they do in the real world? (I.e those beliefs would necessarily be more if not entirely homogeneous across Polynesia).

Again appreciate that's a somewhat difficult question to answer. But it is getting at the point that at a certain point the world building has to move beyond the initial inspiration to be internally consistent.
If I have your question right, the fact that Mana, Tapu, Rahui, etc might work differently elsewhere was acknowledged. This being the reason for stranger* ceremonies so that you could come into line with how Mana worked within a new community.

The Māori would then simply have quite strange Mana to the others. For this reason I don't think the implied setting would force the Māori ideas to align with other groups.

*In reality there was a complex system to deal with outside Mana. Mythic Polynesia just uses "stranger" to denote everything related to this concept, so I'm taking that term here for brevity. It's not a common term.


AsenRG : Dec 17, 2022 at 9:59 AM

Yes, I would say so.
Then I guess TDM should just do exactly that. "Due to some different Maori traditions, which would require additional clarifications, clashing with the space constraints we had set for us, this book isn't representing the Maori, despite them being part of the Polynesian culture. We hope we could provide the required info for them in a future supplement".
Sometimes less is more...:thumbsup:

And I also want to thank Séadna Séadna for the work he had done here:heart:!